The Enemy of My Enemy: Why We Must Defend Julian Assange

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Abstract

er to hide.Assange is no noble hero. He callously disregards human costs in pursuit of his anarchic ideology, once appallingly stating that Afghan civilians who provided intelligence to Allied forces deserve to die. And his selective morality reeks of hypocrisy — WikiLeaks exposes the West’s dirty laundry while largely sparing dictators and autocrats from scrutiny. Assange’s long, cozy relationship with the Kremlin raises troubling questions about his motives and allegiances.Nevertheless, the US government’s attempt to extradite and prosecute Assange is profoundly misguided. Assange faces 175 years in prison under the Espionage Act, a sweeping World War I-era law designed to punish spies and traitors, not publishers. The Obama administration wisely refrained from charging Assange under the Act, recognizing the dangerous precedent of prosecuting j

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ournalistic activity clearly protected by the First Amendment. The Trump and Biden administrations have abandoned such principled restraint.If Assange is successfully prosecuted, nothing would stop the government from going after major outlets like The New York Times or Washington Post for publishing leaked classified information. This devastating blow to press freedom far outweighs any satisfaction from punishing Assange.Sometimes protecting vital civil liberties means defending the indefensible. Julian Assange is an unstable zealot with little regard for human life. But he remains entitled to the rights and protections extended to all citizens. We must hold our noses and stand against his extradition, lest a far greater evil befall our democracy. Assange the man deserves condemnation, but his indictment deserves resistance.</article></body>

The Internet’s Most Wanted: Why Julian Assange is democracy’s necessary evil

Julian Assange provokes intense scorn and begrudging respect in equal measure. The radical transparency advocate and WikiLeaks founder has endangered lives and exposed abuses in an obsessive quest to lay bare the secret underside of powerful institutions. Yet his reckless gadfly journalism has also delivered some hard truths governments would prefer to hide.

Assange is no noble hero. He callously disregards human costs in pursuit of his anarchic ideology, once appallingly stating that Afghan civilians who provided intelligence to Allied forces deserve to die. And his selective morality reeks of hypocrisy — WikiLeaks exposes the West’s dirty laundry while largely sparing dictators and autocrats from scrutiny. Assange’s long, cozy relationship with the Kremlin raises troubling questions about his motives and allegiances.

Nevertheless, the US government’s attempt to extradite and prosecute Assange is profoundly misguided. Assange faces 175 years in prison under the Espionage Act, a sweeping World War I-era law designed to punish spies and traitors, not publishers. The Obama administration wisely refrained from charging Assange under the Act, recognizing the dangerous precedent of prosecuting journalistic activity clearly protected by the First Amendment. The Trump and Biden administrations have abandoned such principled restraint.

If Assange is successfully prosecuted, nothing would stop the government from going after major outlets like The New York Times or Washington Post for publishing leaked classified information. This devastating blow to press freedom far outweighs any satisfaction from punishing Assange.

Sometimes protecting vital civil liberties means defending the indefensible. Julian Assange is an unstable zealot with little regard for human life. But he remains entitled to the rights and protections extended to all citizens. We must hold our noses and stand against his extradition, lest a far greater evil befall our democracy. Assange the man deserves condemnation, but his indictment deserves resistance.