The Battle of Adwa: Ethiopia’s Resistance to Italian Colonisation
And the Second Italian Challenge — 1936 to 1941

Throughout its long history, Ethiopia had managed to avoid the grasp of colonial powers.
From its ancient Axumite roots to its Christian conversion in the 4th century and its subsequent interactions with both European and Middle Eastern powers, Ethiopia honed its skills in diplomacy and defence.
This history bestowed upon Ethiopia a distinct position in the African context, reinforcing its image as a bastion of sovereignty in a continent otherwise carved by colonial designs.
The late 19th century, was a period marked by the aggressive imperialism of European powers across Africa though.
Italy, a latecomer in the scramble for African territories, had begun eying the Ethiopian region as an avenue for its colonial expansion.
Their perception was that neighbouring Eritrea and Somaliland, which were already under Italian influence by the late 1800s, would serve as stepping stones to the rich hinterland of Ethiopia.
Matters came to a head at the Battle of Adwa in 1896, with Ethiopia ultimately proving victorious over its Italian invaders.
Emperor Menelik II: Anticipating the Onslaught
In an era where the might of European imperialism seemed insurmountable, the strategic acumen of Emperor Menelik II stood in stark contrast to the prevailing winds of passive surrender often seen otherwise on the continent.
Recognising early on the expansive appetites of colonisers, Menelik didn’t resign Ethiopia to a fate of inevitable colonisation. Instead, he undertook proactive and systemic measures to fortify the nation.
Menelik was well aware that military might was pivotal in this age of gunpowder and steel. With this in mind, he sought to integrate advanced weaponry into the Ethiopian arsenal.
But he also knew that weapons, in the absence of trained hands, amounted to little more than metal.
This insight drove a comprehensive military training initiative, drawing expertise from beyond Ethiopia’s borders.
Soldiers were not just taught to wield new weapons but were also instilled with tactics that the European armies had successfully employed in other parts of the world.
Menelik also displayed an acute sense of foresight in the diplomatic arena.
He cultivated alliances, both within Africa and beyond the continent, presenting Ethiopia as a formidable entity, not to be trifled with lightly.
As Italy’s designs on Ethiopia became increasingly evident, these alliances, coupled with his internal military reforms, positioned Ethiopia to meet the challenge head-on.
Unusually (as compared to many other places in Africa at the time), Menelik had early on grasped the essence of the looming threat and recognised that passive diplomacy or mere appeasement would not safeguard Ethiopian sovereignty.
Adwa: More than a Battle
By the time the Italian forces reached the vicinity of Adwa, they were buoyed by past successes in Africa — an overconfidence that clouded their strategic judgement.
They anticipated a relatively straightforward campaign against an African force, expecting the latter to be less organised and ill-equipped.
Menelik II, understanding the monumental importance of this battle, rallied a force that was unprecedented in its size for any African nation at the time, numbering at least 100,000.
This was a meticulously organised force, with infantry, cavalry, and artillery units.
The Ethiopians also possessed modern rifles, purchased from European powers, demonstrating Menelik’s foresight in equipping his army to match the firepower of a European adversary.
The intimate knowledge of the terrain also gave the Ethiopians a strategic advantage. Mountainous and rugged, the Adwa landscape was a challenging theatre of war, and the Ethiopian forces utilised it masterfully.
They adopted defensive positions on the surrounding high grounds, forcing the Italians to engage uphill, thereby negating some of their artillery’s effectiveness.
On March 1, as the first light of dawn broke, the Italian forces initiated their assault. However, miscommunication and strategic blunders marred their offensive.
They misjudged the size and disposition of the Ethiopian forces and were stretched thin across multiple fronts.
The Ethiopian counteroffensive was swift and brutal. Their larger numbers and the advantageous high-ground positions allowed them to envelop and isolate segments of the Italian army, resulting in devastating close-combat confrontations.
The Ethiopians, fuelled by a fervent desire to protect their homeland, displayed extraordinary courage and tenacity.
By the afternoon, it was evident that the Ethiopian forces had gained a decisive upper hand. Italian regiments were in disarray — their lines broken.
The culmination of the battle saw a desperate and disorganised retreat by the remnants of the Italian army, marking a profound Ethiopian victory.
While the details of the combat are important, one cannot understate the broader implications of Adwa too.
This was an African nation, against the odds, successfully standing up against imperial subjugation.
It debunked the myth of European military invulnerability, proving that with astute leadership, cohesive national spirit, and strategic insight, the shackles of colonisation could indeed be challenged.
It also ignited discussions and debates on resistance strategies — even influencing the tactics of anti-colonial movements in the decades that followed.
Nationalist leaders began to study the Battle of Adwa, seeking to glean insights and strategies that could be applied to their unique contexts.
The news of the Italian army’s defeat at the hands of Ethiopian forces also didn’t merely ripple but convulsed through the European chancelleries.
European capitals, engrossed in their colonial pursuits, received the news with a mix of disbelief and unease.
For colonial powers, Adwa became an uncomfortable mirror, reflecting the potential perils of underestimating indigenous resistance.
The Second Italian Challenge
The 1930s saw Italy, under Mussolini’s fascist regime, unfortunately rekindle its colonial ambitions towards Ethiopia.
This renewed aggression was characterised by a more methodical approach and the deployment of superior weaponry, including mustard gas.
The early stages of this confrontation saw Ethiopian forces, though valiant, initially pushed back by the sheer might and ruthlessness of the Italian offensive.
The world was changing too though, and condemnation of Italy’s actions was swifter than it would have been earlier in the colonial era.
One of the immediate international responses came from the League of Nations — an intergovernmental organisation whose very ethos was to maintain world peace.
Ethiopia, being a member state, appealed to the League for assistance against Italian aggression.
While the immediate economic and geopolitical interests of League members did initially influence and slow their responses, by November 1935, the League had decided to impose sanctions on Italy.
These included arms embargoes and restrictions on Italian imports and exports.
Notably absent from these sanctions though, were oil embargoes — a fairly critical oversight that could have had a more immediate and debilitating effect on Italy’s war machine.
In a more controversial move, British Foreign Secretary Samuel Hoare and French Prime Minister Pierre Laval also secretly proposed a pact in December 1935 that would give Italy control over large parts of Ethiopia.
This was done without consulting Ethiopia and against the principles of the League.
When details of the pact became public, it was met with widespread condemnation, forcing both Hoare and Laval to resign and the pact to be scrapped.
Outside of formal channels, there was a significant global public reaction against Italy’s invasion.
Major cities around the world, especially in Europe and North America, saw protests condemning Italian aggression. These were often organised by anti-fascist groups, trade unions, and pan-African organisations.
While not on the scale of the Spanish Civil War’s International Brigades, some volunteers did also travel to Ethiopia to offer their assistance.
Medical aid, funds, and supplies were also sent from various global locations to support the Ethiopian cause.
In various countries, there were also calls to boycott Italian goods — this grassroots-level action being aimed to economically pressure Italy into withdrawing from Ethiopia.
And while there was widespread condemnation, the major European powers’ reactions were tempered by their geopolitical interests.
Britain and France, though condemning the invasion on the international stage, were hesitant to push Italy too far.
They were concerned about pushing Mussolini’s fascist Italy closer to Nazi Germany, given the broader looming threat of German expansionism.
Italian Rule in Ethiopia
After a protracted conflict, the Italian forces captured Addis Ababa, Ethiopia’s capital, in 1936.
Emperor Haile Selassie fled to Britain, but he continued to lobby for international support against Italy’s occupation.
During the occupation (1936 to 1941), Italy formally annexed Ethiopia, declaring it a part of Italian East Africa, together with Eritrea and Italian Somaliland.
The Italians also imposed their language, culture, and administrative structures on the Ethiopian populace, as well as initiating infrastructure projects, including roads and railways, to consolidate their rule.
The Resistance
The Ethiopian people naturally sought to resist the invaders.
Guerila groups, known as “Arbegnoch” (Patriots), mounted attacks against Italian forces and installations.
As World War II progressed, the tables did eventually start to turn against Italy too.
The British, who were fighting against the Axis powers (which included Italy) in World War II, decided to support Ethiopia’s liberation, and by late 1940, had launched campaigns in East Africa against Italian positions.
Ethiopian guerila fighters and regular troops, led by Emperor Haile Selassie, alongside British forces, played a critical role in the liberation effort.
In early 1941, joint Ethiopian and British forces started making significant advances, and by May 1941, Emperor Haile Selassie had re-entered Addis Ababa, marking the end of Italian occupation.
After liberation, Ethiopia was recognised as an independent nation — the 1947 Peace Treaty with Italy confirming Ethiopia’s sovereignty, with Italy renouncing all claims over the territory.
From there, Emperor Haile Selassie then initiated a series of reforms aimed at modernising the country, including efforts to improve education, infrastructure, and governance.
Despite the reforms, there were still significant economic, social, and political challenges though, and discontent over Selassie’s autocratic rule and perceived inability to address socio-economic disparities, grew.
A combination of factors, including famine, economic woes, and political repression, led to a revolution in 1974, resulting in the deposition of Emperor Haile Selassie and the establishment of a Marxist-Leninist government in Ethiopia.
The Italian occupation, though relatively short-lived, left its mark on Ethiopia.






