Operation Augusta: some facts

Reading the report into Operation Augusta it becomes clear why the issue of child grooming became, and remains, such a polarizing topic.

But before dealing directly with the report, it is useful to note of a few dates, because legislation was in flux during this period. As was the political debate with regard to policing and race: following the publication in 1999 of the McPherson report.

In 2000 there was the Race Relations (Amendment) Act, Sexual Offences (Amendment) Act, Criminal Justice and Court Services Act, Children (Leaving Care) Act. In 2001 there was the Criminal Justice and Police Act. In 2002 there was the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act, Adoption and Children Act, Education Act, Police Reform Act. In 2003 there was the Criminal Justice Act, Sexual Offences Act, Courts Act, Anti-social Behaviour Act, Female Genital Mutilation Act, Communications Act, Licensing Act. In 2004 there was the Children Act, Asylum and Immigration (Treatment of Claimants, etc.). In 2005 there was the Drugs Act, Serious Organised Crime and Police Act, Mental Capacity Act.

These acts are highlighted as they either deal directly, or indirectly, with matters relating to children and/or the police: and to wider matters such as drugs or community relations. It should also be noted that some of this legislation involved the creation of new public bodies, or the restructuring of existing institutions.

To add further context, during this period there were a number of high profile and notorious crimes such as the murder of Damilola Taylor, Victoria Climbie, The Soham murders, Sarah Payne, and Milly Dowler. Also throughout the period there was the saga of Sion Jenkins and the murder of Billie Jo Jenkins.

All of which raised questions, drew criticism toward, and to some extent shook pubic faith in social services and the police.

But back to the Report into Operation Augusta (I urge you to click the link and read it).

Victoria Agoglia (a.k.a Byrne) died on 29th September 2003. One of the earliest contemporaneous reports of her death (I have found) is this piece from the Guardian, dated 2nd October 2003, Girl, 15, flees carers and dies. (The BBC had a report the day before)

The interesting thing about the Guardian story is this quote, “ Pauline Newman, the council’s director of children, families and social care, said: “I am shocked and very saddened by this tragic death and on behalf of the city council I would like to offer my sincere condolences to her family and friends.”

There is currently a petition on change.org calling for Richard Leese to resign, claiming he was the head of Children’s Services. However, according to the Manchester Evening News, he was the Leader of the Council. Which perhaps shows the level of ongoing confusion.

The Guardian story adds this detail: “ Shortly after she was admitted to hospital, a man of 50 and a woman of 29 were arrested.” The review makes no mention of this woman, though it does of the man (who was later convicted and sentenced to two and a half years, for administering a noxious substance)…

“ On 30 July 2003, Victoria’s social worker informed her drugs worker that an older man was injecting her with heroin in return for favours. No formal action was taken to investigate this matter or prevent it occurring again. Within two months of this revelation, Victoria died.”

The review further adds…

“ This was set out in the Part 8 review 4 provided by the council to the inquest. We are unclear, therefore, how the coroner could have concluded that:“No inferences can be made that the events from the 24 September were reasonably foreseeable.” Furthermore, having considered both the harrowing experience of Victoria and that of many of her contemporaries in public care in Manchester in the review team’s sample, we cannot understand how the coroner felt able to conclude his remarks with the following statement: “It is absolutely essential also that the public remain confident about the quality of care and support afforded to children cared for within the child protection system.””

Might it be impolite to add the proceeding commentary from the review…

“ The coroner’s hearing was adjourned from 16 February 2004 until March 2007. The current coroner has declined a request by the review team to view the information provided to the inquest by Manchester City Council, but she did share a copy of the then coroner’s narrative verdict.”

What further evidence the coroner was provided with, that may have been deemed so shocking it would undermine public faith in the ‘quality of care and support’, remains a mystery. Allowing 15 year old’s to swan about with 50 year olds who inject them with heroin in return for sexual favours, is pretty shocking in and of itself.

“ In February 2004, Greater Manchester Police launched Operation Augusta following the death of Victoria Agoglia. Victoria was believed to have been involved in “child prostitution”within the South Manchester area and elsewhere. As a result, care homes within the South Manchester area had been canvassed and a total of 11 children in care were identified as potentially being subject to sexual exploitation.”

Much has been said about the use of the term “child prostitution”. And, it is obviously a clumsy use of terminology. However, from an investigative point-of-view it does make sense, as it would allow the police leeway to investigate associates and ‘friends’ in regard to their being potential ‘pimps’ and ‘ponces’. Clearly there are those that take the view that these being children, and unable to consent, use of the term ‘prostitution’ grants an unwarranted legitimacy to the subsequent activities. That prostitution is also illegal, it is somewhat a moot point. And, overlooks that from a policing standpoint prostitution is a known quantity, thus the police have policies and procedures for dealing with it. As the officer overseeing Operation Augusta pointed out, “ the SIO (Senior Investigating Officer) informed us that he believed that child sexual exploitation(CSE)in 2004 was still largely misunderstood by policing. There were no benchmarks, policies or clear guidance on which to base an investigation.”

This issue should also be considered in the light of recent law changes, (at the time) and that established practice may not have been in sync with intended policy.

The current narrative of political correctness gone mad, tends to cherry pick from the report, pointing to “ 97 persons of interest,” and “predominantly Asian men working in the restaurant industry,” and “ The officers also believed they had made a significant link with the adults involved with Victoria Agoglia,” and “ the SIO policy book states that it was attended by senior officers from GMP and Manchester City Council with their respective communications officers It is recorded: “Update of operation given. Press strategies discussed.” and “ the investigation strategy placed too heavy a reliance on victims’willingness to make complaints,” and “ Critically, the problem that Operation Augusta had been set up to tackle, namely the sexual exploitation throughout a wide area of a significant number of children in the care system by predominantly Asian men,had not been addressed,” and “ Perpetrators appeared to be operating in “plain sight”,hanging around in cars outside care homes and foster homes and returning young people to their care addresses.” etc…

What this view overlooks is: “ The evaluation report produced on the conclusion of the investigation highlighted the following concerns: there was no central responsibility for child sexual exploitation, issues were split between three Manchester divisions,resulting in dispute and conflict between three divisional commanders as to who should put resources into it, and this continued throughout the operation as staff changed. Difficulties were experienced in staffing the operation with a small team of staff,some of them part-time and most of them loaned from other areas.”

Perhaps as result of the Children Act 2004, which introduced Safeguarding Boards…

“ In September 2004, the Part 8 review into the death of Victoria Agoglia had recommended the following: “Joint police and social services investigation should take place where there is evidence that a child is involved in commercial sexual exploitation, this should occur in all circumstances, including those when a child refuses to make a complaint. There should never be an expectation that vulnerable children / young people can provide protection for themselves.”

Even so, the report makes clear that the operation had an ad-hoc, make do and mend approach to the investigation (having no benchmarks, polices, or clear guidance, at a time of ever changing laws). Given that the officers were not investigating a crime per se, but dealing with a large number of potential crimes, in difficult circumstances.. “ Detective ConstableB was more defensive: “Look at it from our perspective ….we didn’t get the resources to deal with the job. There was an educational issue –Asian males didn’t understand that it was wrong,and the girls were not quite there. They were difficult groups to deal with. We can’t enforce our way out of the problem.”

Especially as it was not a priority…

“ ‘Her Majesty’s Inspector of Constabulary annual report 2004–2005’ by Sir Ronnie Flanagan was similar to previous years,with a heavy focus on performance-driven targets based on the Government’s priority offences: vehicle crime, domestic burglary and robbery. The emphasis was on not only reducing these crime types but also increasing detection rates. HMIC’s baseline assessment of GMP in 2005 showed positive results for investigating crime and there is nothing in the report about child sexual exploitation.

The Chief Constable of Greater Manchester’s annual reports for 2004/05 and 2005/06 echoed the language of the Home Secretary’s national policing plan and the HMIC annual reports that the reduction and detection of serious acquisitive crime offences was the priority.”

Given the reporting on this news story, with it’s emphasis on ‘white girls’, it is noticeable how little reference is made to race as a factor inhibiting investigations. Events in Keighley are mentioned, as is the Edge of the City documentary. There is reference to sensitivities surrounding an unrelated investigation into the Kosovan community, which apparently made it difficult to ‘be seen targeting another’ ethnic community.

What isn’t mentioned is that in June of 2004 (just as the operation was getting underway) the BNP had gained 5% of the vote in the EU elections, and the following month, perhaps concerned by a widespread view of the police as Constable Savage, ACPO banned police officers and staff from joining the BNP.

There is no reason officers, or anyone working on the case, would make comment on these events, and they thus don’t appear in this report, which is to a large extent a review of the notes. The reference to Keighley and the Channel 4 documentary, would suggest that senior officers were concerned, and so perhaps were their political masters… the hugely controversial Iraq war was still raging: at the time of Operation Augusta (read it) the 2nd Battle of Fallujah was in full murderous swing.

To suggest arresting 97 ‘Asian’ men (or even a large portion of them), regardless of their alleged crimes, in such a political atmosphere, while not unthinkable: would certainly have been fraught with political difficulties. If for no other reason than it would seemingly confirm (in the minds of some) what Nick Griffin had said, and was later put on trial for saying.

Add to the mix, any resulting arrests, and/or trials might have coincided with a General Election.

This is not to excuse, condemn, or defend any of the police officers involved, or imply bias, or to downplay errors or oversights highlighted by the report. But rather to suggest that the documentary Betrayed Girls, which is the genesis for this report, or the drama Three Girls, couldn’t have been made at the time. Even now the subject is controversial.

Made more so by misinterpreting (deliberately or otherwise) what Operation Augusta was, and why it was investigating what it was, in the way it was. And again, I urge you to read the report.