It’s Time to Release Our Own Kraken!
There’s No Room in American Jurisprudence for Activist Judges. Isn’t That What Conservatives Say?

In 2000, my wife and I sat on the edge of our bed watching CNN. The Supreme Court had just announced that time had run out on the weeks-long series of recounts for Florida’s 25 electoral votes. George W. Bush had beat Al Gore and was declared the winner in the state. Bush won the Electoral College and the presidency by one electoral vote. Disappointed? You bet. But I remember thinking, “The office of President is one of compromise. Those around him will temper the effects of his decisions.” I was wrong.
Twenty-one years later, I sat on that same bed watching as Trump loyalists, incited by President Trump and others, stormed the Capitol shouting, “Stop the Steal” and “Hang Mike Pence.” After Trump’s 2016 campaign, his four years of authoritarian reign, and the aftermath, I no longer believed that Constitutional checks and balances would hold back the right. Our culture had changed. In the Republican Party, conspiracy theories replaced common sense and critical thinking. This is the world of Ginni Thomas, the wife of Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas. How did we get here?
The Road Downhill: Lee Atwater
We find deceit at every level of American politics. As mass media developed, backroom deals gave way to more public dirty tricks. In the 1980s, Lee Atwater was this strategy’s most prominent disciple. As South Carolina Republican Congressman Floyd Spence’s campaign consultant in his 1980 re-election bid, he released the results of a fake survey aimed at White suburban voters. The survey showed that Spence’s opponent, Tom Turnipseed, was a member of the NAACP. At a press briefing, he hired a fake reporter to say, “We understand Turnipseed has had psychiatric treatment.” Atwater replied that he “got hooked up to jumper cables,” referring to electroshock therapy Turnipseed had as a teen. Spence was re-elected.
Atwater went on to greater notoriety later that decade by suggesting Ronald Reagan could extend the GOP’s Southern Strategy (a racial appeal to White Southerners) without it appearing racial. In an anonymous interview for political scientist Alexander P. Lamis’ book The Two-Party South, he said:
“Y’all don’t quote me on this. You start out in 1954 by saying, ‘Nigg*r, nigg*r, nigg*r.’ By 1968, you can’t say ‘nigg*r’ — that hurts you. Backfires. So you say stuff like forced busing, states’ rights, and all that stuff. You’re getting so abstract now [that] you’re talking about cutting taxes, and all these things you’re talking about are totally economic things, and a byproduct of them is [that] blacks get hurt worse than whites.”
As Atwater’s star rose in the GOP, its zenith was the infamous Willie Horton television ad during George H. Bush’s 1988 presidential bid. In 1976, Bush’s opponent, Massachusetts Governor Michael Dukakis, supported a prison furlough program for felons started by Republican Governor Francis Sargent in 1972. The state legislature passed a measure outlawing the practice, but Dukakis vetoed it. Shortly after that, the state released convicted murderer Willie Horton on a weekend furlough when he assaulted, robbed, and raped a couple.
The ad showed prisoners going through a revolving exit from prison. Only one was African American, and he was the only one who looked directly into the camera. “That’s the guy to be afraid of,” said ABC newsman Sam Donaldson. Atwater used this incident to suggest that Dukakis was too liberal and soft on crime. He vowed to “strip the bark off the little bastard” and “make Willie Horton his running mate.” Dukakis’ seventeen-point summer lead vanished, and Bush won the race.
Slash and Burn: Newt Gingrich
Lee Atwater’s vision was to get Republicans elected no matter what it took. The man who led those Republicans on a slash and burn sortie into our legislative process was Newt Gingrich. Running in his first successful race for Congress in 1978, he told college Republicans, “One of the great weaknesses of the Republican Party is we recruit middle-class people. Middle-class people, as a group, are told you should not shout at the table, you should be nice, you should have respect for other people, which usually means giving way to them.” He admonished the students to “raise hell” if you’re going to be in politics. And during his twenty years in the House, raising hell was precisely what he did.
Gingrich upended the niceties and conventions of Congress. As Congressional scholar Thomas Mann has stated, “Most members still believed in the idea that the Framers had in mind. They believed in genuine deliberation and compromise … and they had institutional loyalty.” Gingrich’s focus was less on legislation and more on tactics to discredit Democrats and moderate members of his party. He did this by ignoring etiquette, sensationalizing issues for TV viewers, and using ethics regulations to spotlight one’s political enemies. “He thought a lot about confrontation and saying things that were explosive because he believed that the more confrontational, the more outlandish you were, the more the media would cover you, and the more the media would replicate what you said about your opponent — whether it was true or not true,” according to Julian E. Zelizer, in his book, Burning Down the House.

We can credit Gingrich with the “fierce, institution-destroying partisanship” that gave birth to the tactics of the Tea Party and Donald Trump. Newt sent out a memo to aspiring Republican candidates entitled “Language: A Key Mechanism of Control,” in which he listed words for them to use to describe Democrats. They included words like sick, pathetic, lie, anti-flag, traitors, radical, and corrupt. When you hear Trump give people obnoxious nicknames like President Biden’s “Sleepy Joe,” that comes directly from Gingrich’s playbook.
Release the Kraken: The Ginny and Clarence Thomas Story
In our present rarified atmosphere, when laws do get passed, partisan objections often end up on the docket of the Supreme Court. As the ultimate arbiters in legal matters, we hope justices base their opinions on their interpretations of the Constitution. But unlike lower court judges, there are no ethical standards by which they must abide. Each justice determines their own ethics. The only safeguard we have for a rogue justice is impeachment. That has only happened once.
The founders of our country envisioned a court that rose above the politics of the Legislative and Executive branches of government. But partisanship has seeped into the court with justice nominees’ confirmations decided by today’s factional Senate. In February 2022, Justice Neil Gorsuch gave a speech behind closed doors to the Federalist Society, a group of conservatives and libertarians. So what did he speak about? We’ll never know. The Society barred the media from the Justice’s talk. That veil of secrecy only magnifies the aura of politicization, questioning the court’s impartiality.
This is the backdrop to Ginni Thomas’ power and activism. As the wife of Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas, she has been a forceful advocate for Trump’s attack on our democratic process. She firmly believes the Democrats stole the election despite a long list of dismissed court challenges to the election results. Former White House Press Secretary Stephanie Grisham confirmed Ms. Thomas’ direct access to President Trump on a recent episode of The View. She said that Thomas would often have lunch with the President, bringing lists of people who should be fired and hired. Grisham described the damage control the staff would have to do after these meetings.
Two days after the 2020 election, Ms. Thomas texted Trump’s Chief-of-Staff, Mark Meadows, to “Release the Kraken and save us from the left taking America down.” In mythology, a Kraken is a gigantic sea monster that resembles a giant squid or octopus. #ReleaseTheKraken is a tag used by conspiracy theorists to discredit President Biden’s victory.
She also texted Meadows, “Help This Great President stand firm, Mark!!!… You are the leader, with him, who is standing for America’s constitutional governance at the precipice. The majority knows Biden and the Left is attempting the greatest Heist of our History.” Also, “Biden crime family & ballot fraud co-conspirators (elected officials, bureaucrats, social media censorship mongers, fake stream media reporters, etc.) are being arrested & detained for ballot fraud right now & over coming days, & will be living in barges off GITMO to face military tribunals for sedition.”
Thomas and Meadows exchanged twenty-nine texts he released to the House committee investigating the January 6th Insurrection. Adam Liptak, who covers the Supreme Court for The New York Times, said, “It is one thing, experts in legal ethics said, for the spouse of a Supreme Court justice to express political views, even ones shot through with wild conspiracy theories. That may not by itself require the justice’s recusal from cases touching on those views. . . . But the text messages from Ms. Thomas . . . revealed something quite different and deeply troubling.” The texts Thomas sent to Meadows clearly showed she was directly involved in the attempt to overturn the election.
So should her husband recuse himself in any case about the 2020 election? Any judge with close relationships with people or institutions associated with an issue should do so. That’s what Justice Elena Kagan did when she ascended to the bench in 2010. Because of her former job as Supreme Court Solicitor General (the court’s chief legal representative to the court and lower appellate courts), she recused herself in 25 of 51 cases during her first term.
Justice Thomas has not recused himself in at least one case concerning the 2020 election. In January 2022, he was the lone dissenter in litigation Trump brought to the Supreme Court to prevent the January 6th Committee from obtaining his presidential records. The US Code of Laws expressly prohibits judges from participating in cases where their impartiality might be questioned. Title 28, § 421(5) states that judges shall disqualify themselves when a spouse is likely to be a material witness. Yet there are no penalties when a Supreme Court Justice violates this law.
The Thomases are very close and share many political views. In his memoir, Justice Thomas wrote that he and his wife are “one being — an amalgam.” They call each other their best friends. If he’s ethical, he has a moral obligation to stand down in any proceeding concerning the 2020 presidential election, including the January 6th Insurrection. If he doesn’t, he should resign or be impeached. Thomas’ sole job is to interpret the Constitution. There’s no room in American jurisprudence for activist judges. Isn’t that what conservatives say?
The System Is Broken. What Can We Do About It?
What can we do when people like Ginni Thomas and Mark Meadows (political elites with direct access to power) strongly believe in these conspiracy theories? Or when our legislators aren’t interested in solving the economic and social issues that affect millions of Americans. This animosity is destroying our country. Having to call for Clarence Thomas’ recusal on cases where his wife is deeply involved reveals a much larger problem.
The Problem
Sixty percent of Americans approve of a woman’s right to an abortion. Sixty-four percent support a “wealth tax” to fund public programs. Seventy-six percent of the public wants to protect LGBTQ rights. Why can’t we have reasonable gun control legislation when 84% of Americans approve of universal background checks (including 77% of Republicans)? The effects of climate change concern 60% of Americans. These issues are under attack or considered unimportant in Republican-run states. Yet the majority of Americans support them.
Negative partisanship is creating an existential threat to our democracy. “In today’s environment, rather than seeking to inspire voters around a cohesive and forward-looking vision, politicians need only incite fear and anger toward the opposing party to win and maintain power.” According to the Economist magazine’s “Democracy Index 2021,” the United States is no longer considered a full democracy. We’re now considered a “flawed democracy.” Eighty percent of Americans have no confidence in our legislators.
In a Princeton University study, Testing Theories of American Politics: Elites, Interest Groups, and Average Citizens, the impact of average citizens’ influence on public policy is near zero when compared to economic elites and organized interest groups. This is the fundamental problem with our political system.






